Showing posts with label Highveld Steel. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Highveld Steel. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 27, 2016

HIGHVELD STEEL SAGA DRAWS TO A SORRY CLOSE

This article first appeared in the Business Times section of The Sunday Times on 21 February 2016 



THIS week’s news that eMalahleni-based Evraz Highveld Steel & Vanadium is considering liquidation and putting 2 187 jobs at risk was not only depressing but also highlights how global and domestic market dynamics impact the average Joe.

A perk of my work is disseminating what is often considered complicated and overly technical business news, in a manner that can be easily understood without dumbing it down.

The story of Highveld Steel is a sad opportunity for us to appreciate how market dynamics, and supply and demand, can shut down a market leader and put the man on the street, literally back on the streets.

In case you missed it, Highveld, once a doyen of South African industry, is facing liquidation mainly due to a glut caused by slowing global demand, which has resulted in cheap Chinese imports hitting our shores, making it near impossible to remain competitive.

This has led to parent company Evraz having to walk away from its investment and, more importantly, to 2 187 households losing their primary source of income.

According to its website, Highveld was established in 1957, when Minerals Engineering of Colorado built a plant in eMalahleni to produce 1.4 million kilograms of vanadium pentoxide a year. 

Two years later, Anglo American acquired a two-thirds share. In the early 1960s, another company, the Highveld Development Company, was established to investigate the viability of processing titaniferous magnetite ore for the production of liquid pig iron and vanadium-bearing slag.

The process to build an integrated iron and steelworks business started in 1964 and by June 1965, the company’s name had been changed to Highveld Steel and Vanadium.

A year later, Highveld was the global leader in vanadium production.

The next 30 years saw the company making acquisitions in companies producing manganese alloys, ferrosilicon, char, drums, pails, crown closures and stainless steel; as well as entering new markets in Austria, Japan and Spain.

Things looked up when in 2007, Luxembourg-based Evraz, one of the world’s largest vertically integrated steel and mining companies, completed its takeover of Highveld, by buying out Anglo American and Credit Suisse.

However, eight years later, in April 2015, the company went into business rescue after sustaining considerable losses for many years. Following lengthy consultations, over 90% of the company ’s independent creditors selected Hong Kong-based International Resources Ltd (IRL) as the preferred bidder for the business.

However, it wasn’t long until parent company Evraz approached the courts seeking to declare the business rescue plan of its South African subsidiary invalid.

Total creditors claims were R1.2-billion and IRL was offering a settlement of R380-million.

Clearly Evraz had done the calculations, and figured out that a shutdown of Highveld would be a better outcome than 31.67 cents in a rand and the rebirth of a competitor. Media reports at the time pointed to the possibility of Evraz standing to gain by letting Highveld go into liquidation.

“Evraz is one of the world’s largest producers of vanadium, and liquidating Highveld would take about 10% of supply out of the global value chain for the alloy, which is used in making products such as high-speed tools and jet engines. When Evraz bought Highveld it was forced by European Union competition authorities to divest of certain vanadium assets,” reported Business Day.

This opposition from Evraz eventually left Highveld in the lurch, forcing a production shutdown in July 2015, with no messiah in sight.

In October 2015, the company, in consultation with the unions, decided to apply for the Department of Labour’s training lay-off scheme, as a means to minimise the impact of retrenchments on employees. Instead of being retrenched, 600 employees would be trained in various skills and receive a cash stipend for six months.

The company’s application was approved on October 20, 2015 and training commenced on November 26, but the cash never came.

On February 8 the Department of Labour informed the company of its decision to “pause” its payment for the layoff scheme stipend, in response to the announcement that the IRL transaction had failed.

The company was forced to fork out millions, not budgeted for, to meet salaries for November and December 2015 and January 2016 — all during a time of zero production.

Without the funds from the lay-off scheme, and no IRL transaction, the company was forced to notify workers it wouldn’t be able to pay salaries at the end of this month — hence the possibility of liquidation.

The irony of all this is that Highveld is still South Africa’s second-largest steel producer.

The company has been a leading steel producer for more than 50 years and was ranked among 15 leading steel producers around the world.

When the country’s second largest steel producer is facing liquidation, it clearly spells disaster for South Africa’s steel industry as a whole. The government, through the International Trade Administration Commission, has tried to protect the industry by increasing the structural steel import duty.

However, it seems it’s all “too little, too late” for Highveld.

The company is now facing the end of the road and its 59- year history looks very likely to come to an end. Liquidation is by far the most likely outcome.

Creditors are likely to get nothing, given that the South African Revenue Service preferential claim stands at an estimated R550-million.

More importantly, though, all employees will immediately lose their jobs and receive no severance packages.


Rest in peace, Highveld. Condolences to the 2 187 families

LET BLACK INDUSTRIALISTS FOLLOW WHATEVER PATH THEY CHOOSE

This article first appeared in the Business Times section of The Sunday Times on 7 February 2016 



THIS week I attended the government’s launch of the Black Industrialists Programme, hosted by the National Empowerment Fund and the Department of Trade and Industry.

I listened attentively as minister Rob Davies and deputy minister Mzwandile Masina provided details of the programme, how it would work, and what it would fund and not fund.

I am a big fan of what the government is trying to achieve with the Black Industrialists Programme. It is time we deliberately and unapologetically used state levers to create globally competitive black business champions in our economy.

The symbolism of being able to point to black entrepreneurs who control and operate major corporations in big industries is something we desperately need as a country still grappling with racial discrimination and inequality. This will have a profound impact on the psyche of future generations, who remain most affected by stubbornly high levels of unemployment.

The implementation of this programme must therefore be well thought through to ensure our efforts yield the best outcomes. In other words, we need to use our collective experience to give ourselves the best chance of success.

Unfortunately, at the end of the launch, I concluded that the government’s programme comes with two key flaws.

The first is that the government has single-handedly redefined the term “industrial ” to mean “manufacturing”. Not only is this simply incorrect, it is in stark contrast to local realities and global trends.

Just last month, world leaders at the World Economic Forum in Davos debated “the fourth industrial revolution”. That had nothing to do with manufacturing. It had everything to do with the knowledge economy, the fuel behind the growth of modern economies.

The second flaw is that the programme seems to have been crafted outside of the threats and opportunities before us today and in the foreseeable future.

In case you are not aware, the programme will focus on very specific sectors. These are the ocean economy; oil and gas; clean technology and energy; mineral beneficiation; aerospace; rail and automotive components; industrial infrastructure; information and communications technology; agro-processing; clothing; textiles, leather and footwear; pulp, paper and furniture; chemicals, pharmaceuticals and plastics; nuclear; and manufacturing-related logistics.

Why limit the programme to specific sectors? Black people hardly control any key sector of the economy.

The closest we have come is the taxi industry and football.

We ought to invite applications from any black entrepreneur in any sector, with a convincing plan, credible expertise and the will to succeed, with size, experience and expertise the only criteria. The programme shouldn’t be closed to sectors, only to small ideas with no major impact on inclusive economic growth and transformation.

The programme must be about catapulting or graduating existing black entrepreneurs in all industries to become leaders who control and operate the biggest companies in their sectors.

I have previously referred to a golden opportunity presented by depressed commodity prices. The list above does not include mining.

The policymakers have instead included “mineral beneficiation”. I am yet to be exposed to a big mineral beneficiation industry in South Africa. As far as I am aware, it doesn’t exist. Yes, I appreciate that we need to start beneficiating our minerals, but right now there is hardly any meaningful impact to be derived from having a black-controlled mineral beneficiation operator.

Even if the biggest mineral beneficiation company in South Africa was black-controlled, it would not move the needle in economic growth and transformation in the broader resources industry.

That ’s because the beneficiation industry is not yet adequately developed. It is a small part of the resources industry. So why are we wanting to create black industrialists in beneficiation when an even bigger opportunity beckons?

Imagine if a black steel operator acquired a Highveld Steel in business rescue or even an Arcelor-Mittal that recently announced that its loss is going to be 22 times higher than the previous year and more jobs cuts are on the way.

Imagine our pride if a black steel entrepreneur bought these businesses, drove down operating costs, the government stepped up to better protect the industry, and when global markets improved, we might have a steel industry actually controlled by black people.

I can say the same for platinum. Yes, Sibanye has acquired some of Anglo Platinum’s mines and Aquarius, but there is still Lonmin.

Imagine if Lonmin could be an asset we point to one day as a product of a clever move by a smart government, in a time of depressed platinum prices, that backed experienced black platinum group metals operators who persevered through the tough times and eventually controlled one of the largest platinum miners in the world?

Thanks to a question asked by the Black Business Council’s Gregory Mofokeng at the launch, I learnt that the construction industry has also been excluded from the so-called focus sectors. It has been replaced by “industrial infrastructure”. It’s not clear what this term means, but what is the logic of excluding the construction sector?

I am only aware of Dr Thandi Ndlovu ’s Motheo Group as a credible, sizeable, top-grade blackcontrolled construction group.

Not withstanding its impressive growth, Motheo is small fry compared to the big boys. Are we saying we don’t need a black-owned and operated Aveng, Group Five or Murray & Roberts? Surely not.

Let’s just be open to any big idea that will create a thriving economy that is controlled and operated by black people. Let us also move with the times. We live in a world where the best economies thrive because of innovation and knowledge, not by how much they manufacture.

Excluding service industries and making the Black Industrialists Programme exclusively about manufacturing is ill-advised. 

For example, ICT is on the list, yet the biggest ICT companies to come out of South Africa are mostly in the services space. Think of Dimension Data and EOH.


We need to learn from the past and craft policy that will give us the results we want. I’m afraid even the 100 industrialists in three years that Masina speaks of so passionately may very well be a pipe dream if the department guidelines are anything to go by.